Indian Government is following foot print of Israeli Government for Punitive/dissuasive demolition Homes of Muslims & minority.
Know the history of RSS & Israel then you can compare agenda against Islam and Muslims
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh ’National Volunteer Organization is an Indian right wing, Hindu nationalist paramilitary volunteer organization. The RSS is the progenitor and leader of a large body of organisations called the sangh parivar (Hindi for “Sangh family”), which have presence in all facets of the Indian society. RSS was founded on 27 September 1925. As of 2014, it has a membership of 5–6 million.
The initial impetus was to provide character training through Hindu discipline and to unite the Hindu community to form a Hindu Rashtra(Hindu nation).The organization promotes the ideals of upholding Indian culture and the values of a civil society and spreads the ideology of Hindutva, to “strengthen” the Hindu community It drew initial inspiration from European right-wing groups during World War II, such as the Italian Fascist Party Gradually, RSS grew into a prominent Hindu nationalist umbrella organization, spawning several affiliated organizations that established numerous schools, charities, and clubs to spread its ideological beliefs.
The RSS was banned once during British rule, and then thrice by the post-independence Indian government, first in 1948 when Nathuram Godse an erstwhile member of RSS, assassinated Mahatma Gandhi then during The Emergency (1975–1977); and for a third time after the demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992.
The BJP is aligned with right wing politics, and its policies have historically reflected a traditional Hindu nationalist ideology; it has close ideological and organizational links to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) As of 17 February 2022, it is the country’s largest political party in terms of representation in the Parliament Of India as well as state legislatures.
The party’s origins lie in the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, which was founded in 1951 by Indian politician Shyama Prasad Mukherjee ( Syama Prasad Mukherjee (6 July 1901 – 23 June 1953) was an Indian politician, who served as the Minister for Industry & supply in Jawaharlal Nehru’s cabinet. After falling out with Nehru, protesting against the Liaquat nehru Pact, Mukherjee resigned from Nehru’s cabinet. With the help of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, he founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the predecessor to the BJP, in 1951.After The Emergency of 1975–1977, the Jana Sangh merged with several other political parties to form the Janata Party; it defeated the then-incumbent Indian National Congress in the 1977 general election. After three years in power, the Janata Party dissolved in 1980, with the members of the erstwhile Jana Sangh reconvening to form the modern-day BJP. Although initially unsuccessful—winning only two seats in the 1984 general election ,it grew in strength on the back of the movement around Ram Janmabhoomi in Utter Pradesh. Following victories in several state elections and better performances in national elections, the BJP became the largest political party in the Parliament in 1996; however, it lacked a majority in the lower house of Parliament, and its government, under its then-leader Atal Bihari, lasted for only 13 days.
BJP (1980–present)
Formation and early days
Although the newly formed BJP was technically distinct from the Jana Sangh, the bulk of its rank and file were identical to its predecessor, with Vajpayee being its first president. Historian Ramachandra Guha writes that the early 1980s were marked by a wave of violence between Hindus and Muslims. The BJP initially moderated the Hindu nationalist stance of its predecessor the Jana Sangh to gain a wider appeal, emphasizing its links to the Janata Party and the ideology of Gandhian Socialism This was unsuccessful, as it won only two Lot Sabha seats in the election od 1984. The assassination of Indira Gandhi a few months earlier resulted in a wave of support for the Congress which won a record tally of 403 seats, contributing to the low number for the BJP.
Ram Janmabhoomi movement
Ram Rath Yatra
The failure of Vajpayee’s moderate strategy led to a shift in the ideology of the party toward a policy of more hardline Hindu nationalism. In 1984, Advani was appointed president of the party, and under him it became the political voice of the
Ram Janmabhoomi movement . In the early 1980s, the (VHP) began a campaign for the construction of a temple dedicated to the Hindu deity Rama at the disputed site of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya. The mosque had been constructed by the Mughal Emperor Babur in 1527. There is a dispute about whether a temple once stood there. The agitation was on the basis of the belief that the site is the birthplace of Rama, and that a temple had been demolished to construct the mosque. The BJP threw its support behind this campaign and made it a part of their election platform. It won 86 Lot Sabha seats in 1989, a tally which made its support crucial to the National Front government of V P Singh.
In September 1990, Advani began a rath yatra (chariot journey) to Ayodhya in support of the Ram temple movement. According to Guha, the imagery employed by the yatra was “religious, allusive, militant, masculine, and anti-Muslim”, and the speeches delivered by Advani during the yatra accused the government of appeasing Muslims and practising ” pseudo secularism” that obstructed the legitimate aspirations of Hindus. Advani defended the yatra, stating that it had been free of the incident from Somnath to Ayodhya, and that the English media were to blame for the violence that followed. Advani was placed under preventive detention on the orders of the then Bihar chief minister Lalu Prasad Yadav. A large number of Kar sevaks (religious volunteers) nonetheless converged at Ayodhya. On the orders of Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, 150,000 of them were detained, yet half as many managed to reach Ayodhya and some attacked the mosque. Three days of fighting with the paramilitary forces ended with the deaths of several kar sevaks. Hindus were urged by VHP to “take revenge” for these deaths, resulting in riots against Muslims across Uttar Pradesh. The BJP withdrew its support from the V.P. Singh government, leading to fresh general elections. It once again increased its tally, to 120 seats, and won a majority in the Uttar Pradesh assembly.
On 6 December 1992, the RSS and its affiliates organised a rally involving more than 100,000 VHP and BJP activists at the site of the mosque. Under circumstances that are not entirely clear, the rally developed into a frenzied attack that ended with the demolition of the mosque. Over the following weeks, waves of violence between Hindus and Muslims erupted all over the country, killing over 2,000 people. The government briefly banned the VHP, and many BJP leaders, including Advani were arrested for making inflammatory speeches provoking the demolition.Several historians have said that the demolition was the product of a conspiracy by the Sangh Parivar, and not a spontaneous act.
A 2009 report 2009 report, ( The Liberhan Commission (Liberhan Ayodhya Commission of Inquiry) was a long-running inquiry commissioned by the Government of India to investigate the destruction of the disputed structure Babri Masjid in Ayodhya in 1992. Led by retired High Court Judge M.S. Liberhan, it was formed on 16 December 1992 by an order of the Indian Home Union Ministry after the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya on 6 December and the subsequent riots there. The commission was originally mandated to submit its report within three months. Extensions were given 48 times, and after a delay of 17 years, the one-man commission submitted the report to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on 30 June 2009. In November 2009, a day after a newspaper published the allegedly leaked contents of the report, the report was tabled in Parliament by the Home Minister P. Chidambaram.) authorized by Justice Liberhan, found that 68 people were responsible for the demolition, mostly leaders from the BJP. Among those named were Vajpayee, Advani, and Murli Manohar Joshi. The report also criticized Kalyan Singh, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh during the demolition. He was accused of posting bureaucrats and police officers who would stay silent during the demolition. Anju Gupta, an Indian police Service officer in charge of Advani’s security, appeared as a prominent witness before the commission. She said that Advani and Joshi made provocative speeches that were a major factor in the mob’s behavior However, in a Judgement on 30 September 2020,the Supreme Court of India acquitted all of the accused in the demolition including Advani and Joshi.
In the parliamentary elections in 1996, the BJP capitalized on the communal polarization that followed the demolition to win 161 Lok Sabha seats, making it the largest party in parliament. Vajpayee was sworn in as Prime Minister but was unable to attain a majority in the Lok Sabha, forcing the government to resign after 13 days.
Ekta Yatra (1991–1992)
In December 1991, then-BJP President Murli Manohar Joshi held another yatra, the Ekta Yatra, intended to signal that BJP supported national unity and opposed separatist movement. It began on 11 December in Kanyakumari, Tamil Nadu and visited 14 states. The rally’s final stop to hoist the Indian Flag in Jammu and Kashmir on 26 January 1992 was considered unsuccessful, with minimal local participation.
NDA government (1998–2004)
A coalition of regional parties formed the government in 1996, but this grouping was short-lived, and mid-term polls were held in 1998. The BJP contested the elections leading a coalition called the (NDA), which contained its existing allies
On 13 October 1999, the NDA, without the AIADMK, won 303 seats in parliament and thus an outright majority. The BJP had its highest ever tally of 183. Vajpayee became Prime Minister for the third time; Advani became Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister. This NDA government lasted its full term of five years. Its policy agenda included a more aggressive stance on defense and terror as well as neo liberal economic policies.
In 2001, Bangaru Laxman , then the BJP president, was filmed accepting a bribe of ₹100,000 (equivalent to ₹340,000 or US$4,200 in 2020) to recommend the purchase of hand-held thermal imagers for the Indian Army to the Defense Ministry, in a sting operation by Tehelka Journalists. The BJP was forced to make him resign and he was subsequently prosecuted. In April 2012, he was sentenced to four years in prison.
2002 Gujarat violence
On 27 February 2002, a train carrying Hindu pilgrims was burned outside the town of Godhra, killing 59 people. The incident was seen as an attack upon Hindus, and sparked off massive anti-Muslim violence across the state of Gujarat that lasted several weeks. The death toll estimated was as high as 2000, while 150,000 were displaced. Rape, mutilation, and torture were also widespread. Then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi and several high-ranking government officials were accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as were police officers who allegedly directed the rioters and gave them lists of Muslim-owned properties. In April 2009, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) was appointed by the Supreme Court to investigate and expedite the Gujarat riots cases. In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by the SIT. BJP MLA Maya Kodnani, who later held a cabinet portfolio in the Modi government, was convicted of having orchestrated one of the riots and sentenced to 28 years imprisonment; she was later acquitted by the Gujarat High Court Scholars such as Paul Brass, Martha Nussbaub and Dipankar Gupta have said that there was a high level of state complicity in the incidents.
General election defeats
Vajpayee called for early election 2004, six months ahead of schedule. The NDA’s campaign was based on the slogan “India Shining”, which sought to depict it as responsible for a rapid economic transformation of the country. However, the NDA unexpectedly suffered a heavy defeat, winning only 186 seats in the Lot Sabha, compared to the 222 of the Congress and its allies. Manmohan Singh succeeded Vajpayee as Prime Minister as the head of the UPA. The NDA’s failure to reach out to rural Indians was provided as an explanation for its defeat, as was its divisive policy agenda.
In the 2014 Indian general election, the BJP won 282 seats, leading the NDA to a tally of 336 seats in the 543-seat Lok Sabha. Narendra Modi was sworn in as the 14th Prime Minister of India on 26 May 2014.
Israel & India agenda is same against Muslim (Islam) so RSS & BJP is inspired by Israel
Know the fact of Israel & India, to know conspiracy against Muslims & Islam.
unitive/dissuasive demolition
A Palestinian home after demolition by Israeli military forces
Although revoked by the British the Mandatory Palestine Defense Regulation were adopted by Israel on its formation. These regulations gave authority to military commanders to confiscate and raze “any house, structure or land… the inhabitants of which he is satisfied have committed… any offence against these Regulations involving violence.
In 1968, after Israel occupied the West Bank & Gaza, Theodor Meron, then legal adviser to the Israeli Foreign Ministry, advised the Prime Minister’s office in a top secret memorandum that house demolitions, even of suspected terrorists’ residences, violated the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention on the protection of civilians in war. Undertaking such measures, as though they were in continuity with British mandatory emergency regulations, might be useful as hasbara but were “legally unconvincing”. The advice was ignored. His view, according to Gershom Gorenberg, is shared by nearly all scholars of international law, prominent Israeli experts included. The practice of demolishing Palestinian houses began within two days of the conquest of the area in the Old City of Jerusalem known as the Moroccan Quarter, adjacent to the Western Wall. One of the first measures adopted, without legal authorization, on the conquest of Jerusalem in 1967 was to evict 650 Palestinians from their homes in the heart of Jerusalem, and reduce their homes and shrines to rubble in order to make way for the construction of the plaza. From the outset of the occupation of the Palestinian territories up to 2019, according to an estimate by the ICAHD, Israel has razed 49,532 Palestinian structures, with a concomitant displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. Israel regards its practice as a form of deterrence of terrorism, since a militant is thereby forced to consider the effect of his actions on his family. Before the First Intifada, the measure was considered to be used only in exceptional circumstances, but with that uprising it became commonplace, no longer requiring the Defence Minister’s approval but a measure left to the discretion of regional commanders. Israel blew up 103 houses in 1987; the following year the number rose to 423. 510 Palestinian homes of men alleged to be involved in or convicted of security offenses, or because the homes were said to function as screens for actions hostile to the Israeli army or settlers, were demolished. A further 110 were shelled in the belief armed men were inside, and overall another 1,497 were razed for lacking Israeli building permits, leaving an estimated 10,000 children homeless. Between September 2000 and the end of 2004, of the 4,100 homes the IDF razed in the territories, 628, housing 3,983 people, were undertaken as punishment because a member of a family had been involved in the Second Intifada. From 2006 until 31 August 2018, Israel demolished at least 1,360 Palestinian residential units in the West Bank (not including East Jerusalem, causing 6,115 people – including at least 3,094 minors – to lose their homes. 698 of these, homes to 2,948 Palestinians of whom 1,334 were minors, were razed in the Jordan Valley. (January 2006–September 2017). Violations of building codes are a criminal offense in Israeli law, and this was only extended to the West Bank in 2007. Israel has demolished or compelled the owners to demolish, 1097 homes in East Jerusalem between 2004 and 2020, leaving 3,579 people of whom 1,899 minors, homeless. The number of homes demolished in the rest of the West Bank from 2006 until 30 September 2018 is estimated to be at least 1,373, resulting in homelessness for 6,133 Palestinians, including 3,103 minors. No settler has ever been prosecuted for engaging in such infractions, and only 3% of reported violations by settlers have led to demolitions. Even huts by shepherds, on which taxes have been duly paid, can be demolished.
During the Second Intifada, the IDF adopted a policy of house demolition following a wave of suicide bombings. Israel justified the policy on the basis of deterrence against terrorism, and providing an incentive for families of potential suicide bombers to dissuade the bomber from attacking. Demolitions can also occur in the course of fighting. During Operation Defensive Shield, several IDF soldiers were killed early in the conflict while searching houses containing militants. In response, the IDF started employing a tactic of surrounding such houses, calling on the occupants (civilian and militant) to exit, and demolishing the house on top of the militants that do not surrender. This tactic, called nohal sir lachatz ‘pressure pot’), is now used whenever feasible (i.e., non-multi rise building that is separated from other houses). In some heavy fighting incidents, especially in the 2002 Battle of Jenin and Operation Rainbow in Rafah 2004, heavily armored IDF Caterpiller D9 bulldozers were used to demolish houses to widen alleyways, uncover tunnels, or to secure locations for IDF troops. The result was an indiscriminate use of demolitions against civilian housing unconnected to terrorism that left 1,000 people homeless in the Rafah Refugee Camp.
According to a report by Amnesty International in 1999, house demolitions are usually done without prior warning and the home’s inhabitants are given little time to evacuate. According to a 2004 Human Rights Watch report, many families in Rafah own a “cluster of homes”. For example, the family may own a “small house from earlier days in the camp, often with nothing more than an asbestos roof”. Later, sons will build homes nearby when they start their own families.
In February 2005, the Ministry of Defense ordered an end to the demolition of houses for the purpose of punishing the families of suicide bombers unless there is “an extreme change in circumstances”. However, house demolitions continue for other reasons.
In 2009, after a string of fatal attacks by Palestinians against Israelis in Jerusalem, the Israeli High Court Of Justice ruled in favor of the IDF to seal with cement the family homes of Palestinian terrorists as a deterrent against terrorism. As a punitive measure, one study by a Northwestern and Hebrew University group concluded that prompt demolitions brought about a lowering of suicide attacks for a month and that they are an effective deterrent against terrorism. They are related to the identity of the house’s owner, and result in a “significant decrease” of Palestinian terrorists attacks Conversely, an internal IDF report of 2005, analyzing the effectiveness of the policy during the Second Intifada in which 3,000 civilian homes were demolished, found that terror attacks increased after house demolitions, only stimulated hatred of Israel, the damage caused outweighed any benefits, and recommended the practice be dropped
Amnesty International has criticized the lack of due process in the use of house demolitions by Israel. Many demolitions are carried out with no warning or opportunity for the householder to appeal. In 2002, a proposed demolition case was appealed to the Israeli Supreme Court who ruled that there must be a right to appeal unless doing so would “endanger the lives of Israelis or if there are combat activities in the vicinity.” In a later ruling, the Supreme Court decided that demolitions without advanced warning or due process can be carried out if advance notice would hinder demolition. Amnesty describes this as “a virtual green light” to demolition with no warning
Palestinian identity is deeply impregnated with the sense of national loss and place engendered by the Nakba, and according to physicians studying West Bankers who have had their homes destroyed, such events cause a retraumatization of the Nakba in the families affected.
On 8 July 2021, Israeli army forces demolished a luxurious mansion in Turmus Ayya which was the family home of Sanaa Shalabi, who lived alone there with three of her seven children. She was the estranged wife of Muntasir Shalabi, a Palestinian-American who murdered an Israeli citizen in May. The wife has been separated from Muntasir since 2008, and her husband had married three other women in the meantime, and stayed in the home two months every year for family visits. The U.S. Embassy in Israel stated that “the home of an entire family should not be demolished for the actions of one individual.” Gideon Levy called this demolition an instance of apartheid since Jewish terrorists never have their family homes destroyed